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The More Painful Injustice

ICC’s decision denying former President Rodrigo Duterte’s request for interim release elicited different reactions. As expected, his supporters grieved; his critics rejoiced. Social media erupted. Commentaries burst like fireworks. Lawyers, influencers, and armchair experts all rushed forward with their own interpretations and opinions.
But buried beneath this noise is a truth many refuse to acknowledge: the corruption allegations against the sitting political powers remain unresolved, uninvestigated, and—most damning—protected.
And yes, we should not disregard the corruption committed by previous administrations as well.
At this juncture, we must confront the question everyone keeps tiptoeing around:
If extrajudicial killings can be considered a crime against humanity, what then do we call the corruption allegedly committed by officials of the incumbent government—corruption so massive it starved hospitals, crippled schools, and robbed the poorest Filipinos of the help they desperately needed?
What do we call leaders who tolerated the theft, shielded the thieves, and—worst of all—turned out to be thieves themselves?
Which is the greater sin: the murder of a few thousand, or the plunder of billions?
Who committed the graver crime: the fingers that pulled the trigger, or the hands that emptied the nation’s coffers?
The corruption committed by those in power—whether yesterday or today—is not petty, not the old excuse of “traditional politics,” and not the sanitized label of a “budget anomaly.”
This is plunder disguised as governance.
Billions meant for healthcare vanished while patients slept on floors, dying without medicine.
Billions meant for classrooms disappeared while children learned beneath leaking roofs.
Billions meant for poverty alleviation were used by the corrupt officials to fatten their bank accounts.
Every peso stolen by those in power translates to: a child who goes hungry, a mother who dies untreated, a worker whose future evaporates, a community trapped in poverty, a family whose hope is extinguished.
We must stop pretending corruption is merely a financial crime.
It is a human rights violation with casualties, as real and as tragic as any body found in an alley.
The painful irony?
One man faces the hostile ICC for killings.
But the many government officials accused of stealing the nation’s lifeblood face the friendly ICI who might possibly give them a simple slap on the wrist.
The ICC cannot touch them — and that is their shield under the Rome Statute, the ICC only prosecutes:
genocide
crimes against humanity
war crimes
aggression
Corruption—no matter how destructive—does not qualify.
The ICC can examine killings linked to a past administration.
But the alleged plunder committed under the current administration is untouchable.
They are shielded not by innocence, but by the ICC’s jurisdiction.
They know it.
Their lawyers know it.
Their political allies know it.
This is why they look unbothered.
This is why they speak as if justice is optional.
Because for corruption, under international law,
The Hague has no handcuffs.
But viewed through the lens of the United Nations Convention Against Corruption (UNCAC), the crime committed by corrupt members of the Executive and Legislative branches of the Philippine government remains evident.
The Philippines is bound by the United Nations Convention Against Corruption (UNCAC).
Under UNCAC, corruption is not merely illegal. It is seen as a violation of human dignity.
Corruption becomes a human rights offense when it deprives citizens of healthcare, destroys education systems, blocks justice through political interference, deepens poverty, and kills through neglect and substandard infrastructure.
Every bridge that collapses because of corruption, every medicine that never reaches a dying patient, every student robbed of a proper education—these are casualties of today’s corruption.
UN bodies cannot jail individual senators, cabinet members, or presidents. But they can expose a government’s failures. They can embarrass a nation on the global stage. They can pressure for reforms and sanctions. They can help freeze stolen assets hidden abroad. And they can force the world to see what our own institutions refuse to confront.
And in the quiet between outrage and applause, a single question remains: Whose crime weighs heavier on the nation’s soul?
Let us stop pretending this is a simple comparison.
Duterte is being investigated for the bodies we saw. But incumbent officials are being accused of crimes whose victims we don’t always see— because the victims are the millions who are slowly suffocating from poverty, hunger, broken hospitals, broken schools, and broken futures.
A bullet kills instantly.
Corruption kills invisibly.
But the graves are real.
Sometimes, corruption is the quieter executioner.
The true tragedy is not that the ICC is pursuing Duterte.
The tragedy is that the officials accused of bleeding the nation dry will never stand before The Hague, never sit behind glass in an international courtroom, never be held criminally accountable in the same way.
They will sleep soundly knowing that international law cannot touch them—not because they are innocent, but because their crimes fall outside the narrow definition of “crimes against humanity.”
They are safe. Not because they are righteous.
But because corruption is not in the ICC’s vocabulary.
And that is the Philippines’ most painful injustice.
2016 Elections: Postscripts

During the campaign period leading to the May 9 presidential derby in the Philippines, Duterte’s opponents were quick to point out that he had no well-defined economic policies in the platform of government he was presenting. His political opponents pounced on this for they perceived the absence of a solid plan for the country’s economy as a weakness of the then candidate for the most powerful seat in the government.
Even the members of the Makati Business Club, an organization of the richest and most influential businessmen in the Philippines, lamented Duterte’s vague economic agenda. They dismissed as lacking in substance, at least in their point of view as businessmen, the speech he delivered when they invited him in to speak in a forum. They expected him to give definitive statements about the conduct of business in the country should he he win (which he did.)
But notwithstanding the absence of clear economic programs (and an assortment of issues hurled against him) the mayor of Davao City garnered almost 16 million of votes to secure a clear mandate from the Filipino electorate. Surprisingly, he has more votes than Aquino, the outgoing president who also tried to dissuade the voters from choosing Duterte by emphasizing that should he win all the economic gains the country had in the past 6 years will be wasted.
In an interview conducted a few hours after the May 9 elections, when the results were unequivocally showing that he would be the 16th President of the Philippine Republic, he unabashedly admitted that economics is not his strong suit. Thus, he intends to hire the best economic minds. To Aquino’s credit, the presumptive president even hinted at continuing the incumbent government’s economic programs.
But why then that the voters did not mind the absence of clear-cut economic policies in Duterte’s to-do lists as a candidate then. The answer is simple…the problem is not the economy. If it is, the people should have voted for Roxas, the economist.
The truth is the problem of the Philippines is not the economy. The economic woes of the country are just the results of deep-seated social problems and failures of existing systems that cannot be solved by an economist. Such problems can only be uprooted by a strong leader, a leader who cannot be manipulated by scheming politicians and businessmen. The Philippines needs a leader who has a strong political will, a political will that cannot be bent by influential lobbyists. Thus, the Filipino voters cast their lot on Duterte.
The programs Duterte are putting in his presidential pipeline are not economic policies per se but they have profound economic implications. For many times that he mentioned in his campaign sorties that it is the job of the government to create an environment that is not only conducive to economic development but where the citizens and foreigners also feel safe and secured.
By eradicating corruption and red tape in all the branches of government he will be creating an atmosphere favorable for the conduct of business and would eventually make the country a haven for both domestic and foreign investments. Specifically, he wants to shorten the processing of papers when transacting business with any agency of the government.
By obliterating criminality and drugs, he will make the citizens focus on improving the quality of their life without fear of getting victimized by petty criminals. Parents can rest assured that their children will not become a victim of drugs.
By increasing the salaries of policemen and soldiers he will strengthen law enforcement which is sorely needed in the maintenance of peace and order. He will boost the morale of policemen and soldiers and make them feel more dignified.
By increasing the salaries of teachers he will make them more effective in the delivery of education which, undoubtedly, is a key component in national development.
By promoting Federalism, he will bring a final solution to the country’s century-old Muslim separatist problem. There will finally be equitable allocation of government resources where people in their respective regions will finally have a chance for self-determination.
It is hard to dispute that all these acts will bring tremendous economic benefits, indirect it may be.
He clearly pointed out that the days of unscrupulous elements in society are numbered, that people should avoid committing acts inimical to the interest of the Filipino, that people can do anything that makes the Filipino comfortable, and that nobody will be allowed to do things that will make his countrymen uncomfortable.
In the interview on May 9th, he proclaimed that he has nothing in mind but the interest of the Filipino people, and nothing follows.
