Author Archives: M.A.D. LIGAYA
A Steady Dose of Self-Improvement (SDSI)

PROLOGUE — BEFORE THE JOURNEY BEGINS
One Thought
Becoming your best self rarely begins with a dramatic transformation; more often, it begins with one meaningful idea put into practice.
As an educator, writer, and lifelong learner, I have always believed that education should do more than help people acquire knowledge. At its best, it should also help us understand ourselves, develop our potential, and become better human beings. This conviction has made self-improvement an enduring part of my personal and professional advocacy.
A Steady Dose of Self-Improvement (SDSI) is a continuing educational and reflective series intended to present, through concise and accessible installments, the central ideas of my book, A Holistic Approach to Self-Improvement: A Practical Guide to Becoming Your Best Self. The series will not merely reproduce portions of the book. It will translate its essential messages into brief reflections that readers can relate to their own experiences and apply to their lives.
Each installment will begin with One Thought, followed by a short essay exploring a particular aspect of self-improvement. Pause and Reflect will invite readers to examine its meaning in their own lives, while One Step Forward will encourage them to turn reflection into practical action. The installments will be released steadily because meaningful growth is built through continuing effort rather than hurried transformation.
Together, we will explore the dreams and ambitions that give growth its direction; the attitudes and beliefs that shape our responses; the skills and abilities that enable effective action; and the practices and activities that gradually become our way of life. We will also examine the self-discipline needed to sustain these elements and their contribution to health, success, happiness, and personal fulfillment.
This series does not promise instant transformation, a perfect life, or a final version of the self. Becoming your best self is a continuing and deeply personal journey. Wherever you may be in that journey, you can always begin—or begin again—one thought, one reflection, and one step forward at a time.
Pause and Reflect
What part of yourself or your life do you most sincerely want to improve, and why does it matter to you now?
One Step Forward
Identify one area of your life that you want to improve. Write down one small but meaningful action that can mark the beginning of that change.
Inspired by A Holistic Approach to Self-Improvement: A Practical Guide to Becoming Your Best Self
M.A.D. Ligaya
What’s For Dinner
(A Declamation Piece)

A Note Before the Piece
I wrote pieces like this once for young voices that weren’t my own — contestants I coached, trained, and sent to the stage carrying words I’d written for them. There was no greater satisfaction than hearing them reach the final line and say the title, and then my name, before the room. Those days shaped how I write even now: always for a voice, always for a stage, always for someone who will make the words theirs the moment they say them aloud.
“What’s For Dinner” continues that tradition — written in the spirit of BULPRISA’s declamation seasons, for whoever is bold enough to stand up, look their audience in the eye, and ask the question this piece asks.
Through this piece, I want to appeal to my countrymen with one question: Does taking sides in our country’s political upheavals bring food to your table?
_____
Same fight. Different night. Different bill, different senator, different hashtag — same two people, standing in the same kitchen, screaming across the same table I do my homework on.
“You still support that? After everything?”
“At least my side isn’t stealing us blind!”
“Your side wrote the book on stealing!”
I stood between them tonight. Again. Like I always do. But tonight, for the first time, I didn’t just stand there.
I picked up the rice pot — still half full, still warm — and I put it down on the table, hard enough that it rattled the plates.
“Is this what we’re eating tonight?” I said. “Or are we eating your outrage instead? Because I’m hungry, and outrage doesn’t have any calories.”
They both looked at me like I’d slapped them.
Good.
Do you want to know what I know about politics? I know plenty. Don’t mistake my anger for ignorance. I know what Papa’s senator promised, and I know he hasn’t delivered half of it. I know what Mama’s congressman voted for, and I know who paid for that vote. I’ve read the same news both of you scream about. I’ve seen the same corruption — on both sides, in every color, behind every podium. You want to know my political position? Here it is: everyone up there is stealing from us. Every single one. The only difference is which thief you’ve decided to defend like he’s family — which side has enough power to bury the other.
Meanwhile, your actual family is standing right here. Getting smaller every night.
Do you remember Lola’s wake? Six months ago? I do. I remember it because it’s the last time I saw both of you in the same room and not fighting — because for one week, grief was louder than politics. Then the week ended, and you went right back to it. Over her own casket, practically. I heard you, Papa, bring up the drug war while we were still folding the funeral programs. I heard you, Mama, answer back with the same three names you always bring up. Lola wasn’t even buried yet.
You want to know what I lost that week? Not just Lola. I lost the only proof I had that you two still remember how to be quiet together.
Last month, tuition was due. You know this. I know you know this, because I heard you both say, separately, on separate nights, that money was tight. And yet — Papa, you drove four hours to a rally. Gas money, food, a shirt with a name on it that isn’t ours. Mama, you spent six hundred pesos boosting a post. Six hundred pesos. That’s my project money for next week. That’s food for three days. That’s not a small thing to me, even if it’s small enough for you both to forget by morning.
Tell me — what did that rally buy us? What did that post feed us? Did the senator you cheered for pay our electric bill? Did the congressman you defended send rice to this house? No. He didn’t. He doesn’t know we exist. He doesn’t know my name. But you’ll fight for him like he’s blood, and fight against each other like you’re not.
I am so tired of being the only adult in this house.
I am tired of choosing which parent to sit next to at dinner based on who’s less likely to bring up politics tonight.
I am tired of loving two people who love their political tribes more than they love being married to each other.
So here is what I need from both of you — not a compromise, not a ceasefire, not “let’s agree to disagree.” I need you to look at this table. Look at what’s on it. Or what isn’t. And ask yourselves — what has taking sides ever once put on this table?
Nothing. It has cost us. It has never once fed us.
So choose a side tonight, if you must. Choose this family’s side. Because that’s the only side that’s ever once needed you to show up.
How Colonialism Shaped the Filipino Character

Ask a hundred Filipinos what makes a Filipino a Filipino, and you will likely get a hundred different answers — hospitality, resilience, family, faith, humor, an uncanny gift for finding joy in hardship. Ask a hundred more, and darker answers will surface too: a fatalism that shrugs at misfortune, a habit of measuring themselves against foreigners and coming up short in their own eyes, a suspicion of the next province that borders on hostility. Both sets of answers are true. Neither tells the whole story on its own.
This four-part essay is an attempt to tell that fuller story — not by cataloging Filipino traits as though they simply exist, the way eye color or height exists, but by asking where they came from. A people’s character is not accidental. It is built, layer upon layer, from the specific things that happen to them over specific centuries, under specific rulers. For the Filipino, those centuries were largely colonial ones: 333 years under Spain, nearly half a century more under the United States. To understand the Filipino today without reckoning with those years is to admire a house’s furniture while ignoring the foundation on which it was built.
This essay draws on historical record as much as personal reflection — the documented mechanisms of colonial administration alongside the lived, inherited patterns still visible in Filipino life today. Where the two meet is where this essay lives.
Part One lays that foundation, tracing the Filipino from a people already possessed of their own culture and governance before any galleon arrived, through the long violence of Spanish rule, to the betrayal that followed when a nation Filipinos had mistaken for an ally simply became their next colonizer.
Part Two turns to what survived — and what may have even been strengthened — through all of it: the hospitality, the resilience, the family loyalty and communal spirit that colonization tested but did not break.
Part Three turns to the cost — the fatalism, the regionalism, the colonial mentality that took root during those same centuries, planted deliberately by rulers who profited from a people divided against themselves and unsure of their own worth.
Part Four brings both halves together, arguing that the strength and the wound were never separate stories. They came from the same three hundred years, visited on the same people, and they live on, side by side, in the same national character today.
The writer does not pretend to have the final word on Filipino identity — no single essay could. But for a people whose history has too often been written by outsiders, and too rarely examined by themselves, even an incomplete reckoning is worth attempting. As you read what follows, you might find it useful to ask the same questions of your own family, your own province, your own habits of thought — because the history in these four parts is not abstract. It is, in some quiet way, still writing itself through each of us.
Understanding the wound is the first task. What a Filipino chooses to do with that understanding — for himself, his family, his country — is a separate reckoning, for another time. But understanding why we are the way we are remains the first step toward deliberately deciding who we choose to become next.
Betting on Ourselves

I have a section on my website that I christened “Road to Self-Improvement.” That section was born of my advocacy for self-improvement — and it is where the idea of writing a book on the subject first took shape. But the advocacy itself is older than the website, older than the book. It started years ago, when a friend asked me a simple question: what is the best national development framework for the Philippines?
I told him this — for the Philippines to develop as a nation, Filipinos need to abandon the mindset that a messiah will come to save our country from the socio-political and economic quicksand where we are currently drowning. We think we can pin our hopes for a better future, a better life, on a leader or politician we believe in and support — most of the time, blindly. And yet whoever we elect to the seats of the Executive and Legislative branches has consistently failed to move the needle of progress and peace.
So what, then, is the framework? I believe it begins smaller than any election, smaller than any administration — it begins with the individual. If every Filipino embraces self-improvement and pursues their full potential, they can grow in every aspect of life: mind, character, discipline, livelihood, health. When that happens, they succeed — and with that success comes the capacity to lift not only themselves, but the families they belong to. When every Filipino and every family commit, simply and consistently, to becoming better, imagine what their community becomes. And if every community in our towns, cities, and provinces reflects that same commitment, we will have built — not waited for, not voted for, but built — a stronger Philippine society. A stronger Filipino nation.
It is time for Filipinos to abandon the mindset that we can pin our hopes on a strong politician or leader — a messiah, a savior. Every Filipino should pin their hopes on themselves. We must bet on ourselves, not on someone who promises us the moon and the stars during an election. Betting on a leader to single-handedly bring our nation to paradise is like betting on a lottery with 45 numbers to choose from — your odds of winning are 1 in more than 8,000,000. It’s like fishing for one single fish in a fishing area the size of the entire Pacific Ocean.
One need not look far for proof. As I write this, the nation watches its vice president stand trial for corruption and misuse of public funds, while senators allied with one camp or another are arrested, disappear, or resurface depending on which side of a political feud they happen to stand. Officials once inseparable allies now accuse each other of the very crimes they once campaigned to eradicate together. This is not an aberration — it is the lottery working exactly as it always has: fortunes made and unmade not by the merit of public service, but by the shifting arithmetic of political alliances. Whoever wins this particular round of the game, the game itself remains what it has always been — a gamble the ordinary Filipino never gets to place a real bet in, only to watch.
Betting on ourselves, on the other hand, is not a bet on chance at all — it is a commitment to effort, and effort is not drawn from a bin of eight million balls where luck alone decides the outcome. When a Filipino bets on a leader, he marks a ballot once, then waits — powerless, passive — for a stranger’s decisions to shape his future. When a Filipino bets on himself, there is no waiting and no ballot box; there is only the next skill learned, the next hour of work invested, the next discipline practiced. These are not draws from a lottery machine — they are deposits, and, like any deposit made consistently, they compound. A leader may fail to deliver even after winning every vote in his favor; a Filipino who invests in his own competence, character, and resilience cannot be defrauded of that investment by any politician, any administration, or any election cycle.
This is exactly the mechanism by which one Filipino’s discipline becomes a family’s stability, a family’s stability becomes a community’s strength, and a community’s strength becomes a nation’s foundation. No leader can legislate that chain into existence. No election can manufacture it overnight. It has to be built — person by person, family by family, town by town — and the beauty of it is that, unlike the lottery of politics, every single one of us holds a winning ticket the moment we decide to act on it.
This is the difference between hoping for a miracle and building one. It is why I stopped asking, years ago, who will save our nation — and started asking instead what I myself was willing to build. That question became a website section. It became years of writing. It eventually became a book. But long before it became any of those things, it was simply a decision — the same decision I believe every Filipino is capable of making, the same decision that, multiplied across a hundred million of us, could move the needle that a hundred years of elections never did.
We do not need a messiah. We need each other, choosing, one by one, to bet on ourselves.
Lessons on Perspective

I have a friend who is regularly mistaken for me. We teach at the same university, share a similar build and height, and have the same rounded face — though I have a more defined nose and he has fairer skin. One day, visibly bemused, he asked me, “Why would they think I am you? Do I look as old as you?” I paused, smiled, and replied, “No. I look as young and handsome as you.” He laughed. And in that small exchange, I noticed something larger than the joke: the same mix-up, the same mistaken identity, had produced two completely different reactions in two different men. He heard an insult about age. I heard a compliment about my looks. Nothing about the situation had changed. Only the lens through which each of us chose to receive it.
That, I think, is the simplest definition of perspective — not what happens to you, but the angle from which you decide to look at what happens to you. Two people can stand at the same window on the same morning. One sees the smudge on the glass. The other sees the sun rising behind it. Neither is wrong, exactly. But one view will serve the viewer far better than the other.
I was reminded of this again in a conversation with a colleague, an expat teacher like me, who was frustrated about his salary. He told me, with some bitterness, that a truck driver back in his home country earned more in a year than he did. I listened, then asked him to slow down and look at the bigger picture. How many hours did that truck driver work to earn that figure? What were the physical demands of long-haul driving, year after year? And what about our own schedule — the fact that, as university teachers, we are paid in full through both winter and summer breaks, which together amount to five months of the year? During those five months, our only real obligations are a handful of meetings at the start and end of each semester. The rest of the time is simply ours.
When he ran the numbers on his actual hourly rate, his frustration lost its footing. He was earning more per hour than the truck driver, under incomparably gentler conditions. His complaint had been built on a true fact — the raw annual figure — but an incomplete picture. He was not wrong about the number. He was wrong about what the number meant because he had left out everything around it.
This is the most common failure of perspective, and the most forgivable one. We are not lying to ourselves on purpose. We simply stop looking before we have gathered the whole view. The fix is almost always the same: pause, and ask what else belongs in the frame.
But there is a second, less innocent failure of perspective, and a different colleague handed me a clear example of it. He told me, flatly, that he considered motivational quotes to be nonsense. To prove his point, he gestured at a small bulletin board bearing a quote that read, “Whatever you are, be good at it.” Then he delivered what he clearly believed was the knockout line: “So if you are a rapist, be a good rapist.”
I told him he had chosen the worst possible illustration he could have picked. More importantly, his example revealed the lens through which he had chosen to interpret the quote. You cannot be good at doing something that is, by its nature, an act of harm. Goodness and harm are not two settings on the same dial; one cancels the very premise of the other. I asked him the obvious question: Why a rapist, of all the things a person could be? Why not a teacher? A father? A leader? Each of those would have proven the quote’s point beautifully — that excellence, applied to a worthy role, elevates both the role and the person in it. Instead, he reached for the most grotesque example available, not because it was the most honest one, but because it was the most useful one for the argument he had already decided to win.
That is the difference between an incomplete perspective and a distorted one. My colleague with the salary complaint was missing pieces of the picture, but he was not hiding from the truth — he simply hadn’t gone looking for it yet, and once he did, he changed his mind. The man at the bulletin board was doing something else entirely. He was not missing information. He was selecting the most damaging frame available and presenting it as the obvious one, so that the quote — and perhaps optimism itself — would look foolish by comparison. One man’s perspective needed completing. The other man’s perspective needed correcting.
I think about these three exchanges together because they map out the territory so well. The mistaken-identity story is perspective in its lightest form — the same fact, received through two different temperaments, producing two different emotional outcomes, both harmless. The truck driver story is perspective in its most repairable form — a real grievance, resting on a partial view, that dissolves the moment the missing pieces are added back in. And the bulletin board story is perspective at its most dangerous — not an honest gap in the picture, but a deliberate choice of the worst possible angle, used to discredit something that did not deserve it.
Obi-Wan Kenobi was right when he said that many of the truths we cling to depend greatly on our own point of view. But that is not an excuse to pick whichever point of view is most convenient, most cynical, or most self-serving. It is an invitation to be honest about which direction you are choosing to look — and deliberate enough to ask whether you have actually seen the whole field before you decide what it means.
Perspective, in the end, is not something that happens to us. It is something we choose, conversation by conversation, frame by frame. The only real question is whether we are choosing it carefully — or just reaching for whichever lens lets us win the argument we already wanted to have.
The Color Game

There is a game the Filipino people have been playing – and they are both the player and the prize.
It’s a color game, but not the kind played in peryahan.
It’s the dangerous variety of color game where they bet not a barya or buong isang daan or isang libo.
What they bet is their future and that of their children.
What they bet is the destiny of their nation.
They have chosen their color…
Red.
Orange.
Pink.
Yellow.
Are there other colors?
Which color is winning?
The color game they have been playing has continued for years. Like in peryahan, it’s loud, theatrical, and utterly consuming. The rules are simple: pick a color, wear it like a religion, and defend it with the ferocity you should have reserved for your children’s future. And just like in peryahan, there is always a crowd — excitable, passionate, absolutely certain that this time their color will land. There is always a string being pulled. And there is always an operator — calm, invisible, and smiling — who designed the game, controls the string, and goes home with the money regardless of which color it lands on.
The players change. The colors shift. But the game never ends. And while it rages — while you rage for it — the rice gets more expensive, the streets stay flooded, the hospitals stay broken, and the men and women you are fighting for, the ones called “honorable,” are already thinking about 2028.
They are always thinking about 2028.
You are thinking about winning an argument on social media.
Against those who denigrate the color you chose.
This is the color game. And it is eating the country alive — not from the top, where the operators sit in their comfortable certainty — but from the bottom, where you are. Where we are.
You know the colors by heart.
Yellow — the color of a promise, worn by those who believed that restoring democracy was the same as perfecting it, and discovered too late that it was not.
Red — the color of a fist, embraced by those who mistook loudness for leadership and force for order.
Orange — the color of a strongman’s campaign sunrise, bright and defiant, darkening as the years passed.
Pink — the color of a brief, beautiful hope, lit by millions of ordinary hands in 2022, then methodically extinguished by a machinery that had been perfecting itself for decades. And now the colors multiply, fragment, recombine — new shades for new seasons, new banners for old ambitions.
In a painter’s world, colors mixed together produce something new — something richer, something worth beholding. Yellow and red make orange, warm and alive. Red and pink deepen into something passionate and bold.
But in Philippine politics, when these colors bleed into each other, they do not produce beauty. They produce noise. They produce confusion. They produce a muddy, indistinguishable darkness that serves no one — except the ones holding the brush and palette.
The operators.
So tell me. What color have you painted your face with — Yellow, Orange, Red, or Pink?
The shade changes with every election cycle.
Poverty does not.
But perhaps the color game has endured this long because it taps into something deeper in the Filipino spirit — a tendency, born of centuries of uncertainty, to treat life itself like a peryahan. To believe that fate, not effort, determines outcomes. To bet rather than build. To cheer rather than question. The peryahan is loud and alive and for one electric moment, it makes you feel like you matter — like your barya could change everything.
It never does.
Because the color game in the peryahan was never designed for you to win. It was designed to keep you coming back. Hopeful. Distracted. Spending. Round after round, election after election, color after color — the string is pulled, the crowd roars, and the operator quietly counts his earnings. He does not care which color you choose. He owns all the colors. And win or lose, at the end of the night, he goes home with everything.
You go home with a color.
And an empty pocket.
And somehow, inexplicably, the hope that next time will be different.
In a spinning wheel, you can at least pretend the outcome is random. But in this color game, the operator’s hand is right there — pulling the string, controlling where it lands, deciding your fate — and you are watching him do it and calling it democracy.
Let us be honest about what this game costs.
It costs friendships.
It costs family dinners that turn into battlegrounds over people who will never sit at your table or attend your funeral if the color game you are playing suddenly turned fatal.
It costs the working hours of millions — hours spent sharing posts, crafting insults, fact-checking the other side while ignoring the failures of your own.
It costs the nation’s attention — that finite, precious resource — which should be trained on inflation, unemployment, crumbling infrastructure, and a generation of children being educated into irrelevance.
Instead, it is trained on who said what in a Senate hearing.
On who wore which color to which rally.
On who clapped, who sneered, and who walked out for the cameras.
The Senate — once the nation’s highest chamber of deliberation, where the most consequential questions of national life were supposed to be wrestled with — has become a peryahan of its own. The barkers are louder and better dressed, but they are barkers nonetheless — performing for the crowd, stirring the noise, keeping your eyes on the spectacle and away from your emptying pockets. The scripts are obvious. The performances are calculated. The actors know their audience and play to them perfectly — because their audience has been perfectly trained to applaud on cue, to hiss on cue, and to ask nothing in return.
Nothing. In. Return.
That is the arrangement. And you agreed to it.
And then there is the other half of Congress — the House of Representatives — quieter than the Senate, less theatrical, but no less complicit. If the Senate is the peryahan’s barker, loud and visible and working the crowd, then the House is its backroom — the place where the real transactions happen, away from the lights, away from the cameras, away from you. While senators perform for your attention, congressmen perform for each other — carving up budgets, protecting turfs, delivering pork to districts that will deliver votes in return. They are the ticket sellers of this peryahan: unremarkable, efficient, and absolutely essential to keeping the game running. They rarely trend. They rarely go viral. They do not need to. They have already been paid.
Ask yourself: when did your congressman last fight for something that mattered to your life? When did he author a law that changed your child’s classroom, your family’s hospital, your neighbor’s livelihood? Or has he been too busy — too busy attending the right political gatherings, wearing the right color, aligning himself with the powerful, and eliminating those who might stand in the way of their allies come 2028?
And above them all — setting the tone, managing the machinery, directing the entire peryahan from the main tent — sits the Executive. The President and his cabinet: the operators in chief. In a functioning democracy, the cabinet secretaries are the nation’s problem-solvers — the ones tasked with the grinding, unglamorous, essential work of making government actually work. Healthcare. Agriculture. Education. Infrastructure. Trade. These are not political abstractions. These are the departments whose decisions determine whether you eat well or poorly, whether your children learn or fall behind, and whether your country grows or stagnates.
But look at them now. Cabinet secretaries torn between serving the people and singing the political tune their appointer wants them to sing. Most of them are presidential allies — appointed not because they are believed to be capable of doing the job, but as payment for political favors — positioning themselves for the next election while the departments entrusted to them drift on autopilot.
The Executive branch — the most powerful instrument of governance in the land — being used not to solve the nation’s problems but to secure the political survival of those who sit atop it. The operators are not running the peryahan for your benefit. They are running it for their own. And the cabinet? They are the kargadors — setting up the stalls, rigging the lights, making sure the string is properly weighted — while the real work of the nation waits.
Then there is the Judiciary — the branch that was supposed to stand apart from the noise. The referee. The one institution whose entire legitimacy rests on its independence from the color game. And yet. When the flood control funds disappeared — when the corruption was not a rumor but a documented, reported, undeniable reality — where were the courts? Where were the swift, decisive interventions that could have stopped the bleeding before it became a hemorrhage? The wheels of justice turned — slowly, carefully, with great deliberation — while the evidence aged, the witnesses scattered, and the money finished finding its way into the pockets where it was always headed.
Justice delayed is justice denied. But in the Philippine peryahan, delayed justice is also convenient justice — convenient for the operators, who need only enough time for the crowd’s attention to move to the next spectacle. The Judiciary did not need to be corrupt to be complicit. It needed only to be slow. And slow it was, and still is.
And finally — standing at the edge of the peryahan, armed and watching — is the military. Trained. Disciplined. Bound by the Constitution to remain neutral in political affairs, to serve the state and not the politician, to protect the people and not the power. We respect that tradition. We understand its necessity. In a democracy, a military that takes political sides has chosen to become a weapon rather than a shield.
But neutrality, too, has its limits.
When the house is not merely in political dispute but structurally on fire — when the institutions meant to check power have been captured, when the people’s resources are being systematically plundered, when the color game has so thoroughly consumed the machinery of governance that the nation itself is being dismantled in plain sight — at what point does silence become complicity? At what point does standing down become standing aside while the people you swore to protect are robbed of their future? These are not questions with easy answers. But they are questions the military — and more importantly, the Filipino people — must eventually be willing to ask. A sword in its scabbard still has an obligation to the hand that forged it.
And then there is the clown. Every peryahan has one — not a fool, but a professional. His job is not to govern but to entertain. Not to solve but to distract. Not to lead but to make you laugh, make you gasp, make you watch — long enough that you forget to ask where the money went. In Philippine politics, the clown wears many faces. Sometimes he is bombastic. Sometimes he is outrageous. Sometimes he says the things that make you feel like finally, finally, someone is speaking your language. But while you are laughing, while you are cheering, while you are sharing his latest performance on your timeline — the operator is counting the night’s earnings. The clown does not get a cut. He gets your attention. And your attention is all the operator needs.
So here is the peryahan in its full form.
The Senate — its barkers.
The House — its ticket sellers.
The Executive — its operators.
The Judiciary — its security guard, looking away at precisely the wrong moment.
The Military — its silent giant at the gate, watching the crowd thin out, doing nothing.
Every booth is staffed. Every role filled. Every position occupied by someone who has, in some way, chosen a color — and the game that comes with it — over the country. And in the center of it all — the string, pulled endlessly, landing nowhere new — are you.
And who keeps the crowd gathered around the peryahan? The media — much of it owned by the very people who painted the colors, or by those who have chosen theirs. They broadcast the color game as though it were news. They amplify the noise and call it public discourse. They give the barkers a microphone, the ticket sellers a platform, and the operators a megaphone — and then wonder why the crowd never goes home. A free and fearless press could have been the peryahan’s greatest threat. Instead, for too many outlets, it became its most effective promoter.
There is a particular kind of pain in watching a Filipino fight for a politician.
Not the polite disagreement of people who see things differently. The savage, unrelenting, identity-staked warfare of someone who has confused a political patron with a personal savior. The kind of fighting where the goal is no longer truth — it is victory. Where the opponent is no longer a fellow Filipino with a different view — they are an enemy to be destroyed.
You have seen it. You may have done it.
And while you were doing it — while you were serving as the unpaid, unthanked attack dog of someone whose driver earns more than you — what was happening? You were playing the color game in the peryahan on their behalf, spending your energy, your time, your relationships — betting everything on their color — while they watched from a safe distance and calculated their odds for 2028.
The price of galunggong went up.
The peso weakened.
Your child’s classroom still had a leaking roof.
Your sick mother waited in a public hospital corridor for a bed that was not coming.
The politician you were fighting for didn’t notice any of it. Or rather, he noticed and calculated that it did not affect his numbers. He will notice everything once 2028 approaches. He will notice your barangay, your face, your vote. He will attend birthdays and wakes. Probably not the funerals — that might be too risky. He will arrive with a smile and a t-shirt in his color, reminding you of everything he stands for.
He will not mention what he failed to do.
And the cruelest part? You will probably forgive him. Because by then, those wearing different colors will have done something unforgivable — something real or manufactured, it no longer matters — and your loyalty will have been re-ignited, your attack dog instincts re-awakened, and the cycle will begin again. The string will be pulled. The crowd will roar. And the operator will smile.
This is not politics. This is a leash. And you are on it.
While the color game consumes us, the real emergencies accumulate quietly, patiently, like water rising in a room whose occupants are too busy arguing to notice the flood.
And what a flood it is. Not just the kind that swallows streets and living rooms every rainy season — the kind that has been swallowing them for decades while the flood control funds disappeared into pockets we were too distracted to check. Not just the kind that displaces families and destroys livelihoods — but the kind made of promises, millions of them, rising and rising, waterlogging every barangay, every household, every Filipino heart that dared to believe that this time would be different. Three kinds of flood. One country drowning. And the operators — dry and comfortable inside their tents — are on television arguing about colors.
Our economy is not where it needs to be for a nation of our potential. Our young people are leaving — not as temporary workers sending remittances home, but as emigrants, cutting the cord, choosing a country that will treat their talent as an asset rather than an export. Our agricultural sector struggles. Our fishermen are being pushed out of waters that are ours by law and ours by history. Our children rank among the lowest in the world in reading comprehension — a fact so devastating in its implications that it should have ended political careers and launched national emergencies.
It did not. Because we were busy with the color game.
These are not abstract problems. These are the slow, structural dismantling of a nation’s future — happening in plain sight, reported in the papers, discussed briefly, and then drowned out by the next political spectacle, the next hearing, the next viral moment from a senator, or a congressman, or the press secretary performing for a crowd that deserves so much better than a performance. The peryahan keeps running. The operator keeps winning. And the players keep losing — in ways that don’t show up in the night’s tally, but in the quiet devastation of lives that never quite got better.
The politicians pretending to be leaders know this. And they have made a calculation: as long as you are fighting each other, you are not fighting them. As long as you are watching the string being pulled, you are not watching the ledger. As long as the color game continues, the real questions — where is the money going, why are the poor still poor, what is the plan — never have to be answered.
The color game is not a distraction from politics.
The color game is the politics.
I know you.
You wake up before the sun. You stretch your money across the week like a tightrope walker, one wrong step away from falling. You want better for your children than you had. You are not stupid. You are not weak. You are, in fact, one of the most resilient and resourceful human beings on the planet — forged by centuries of hardship into something that should, by every measure, be unstoppable.
And yet here you are. Betting your future on someone else’s color. Playing in a peryahan where the string was never yours to pull.
I am not asking you to stop caring about your country. Caring about your country is an act of love, and love is never wasted. I am asking you to redirect that love — away from the operators of the peryahan who have weaponized it, and back toward yourself, your family, your immediate community.
Stop being an attack dog. Start being a builder.
The hours you spend in political warfare online — spend them on a skill that earns. The energy you pour into defending a congressman, a senator, a vice-president, a president who will never defend you back — pour it into your child’s homework, your small business, your neighbor who needs help. The loyalty you give so freely to people in air-conditioned offices — give it to your family, who are sitting right in front of you, needing you present and whole.
This is not surrender. This is not apathy. This is the most radical act available to an ordinary Filipino right now:
Refuse to be used.
Walk away from the peryahan.
Stop playing the color game.
The color game is not sustained by politicians. They are merely its operators. It is sustained by us — by every shared post, every tribal insult, every moment we chose the theater over our own lives.
And it will end the same way it is sustained — one person at a time, one quiet refusal at a time.
Not with a revolution. Not with a hero. Not with a new color to replace the old ones.
But with a father who turns off the political noise and helps his son with his homework.
With a mother who puts her energy into her livelihood instead of her timeline.
With a citizen who looks at a politician and thinks — not “he is my champion” — but “what, exactly, have you done for me lately? And what will you do tomorrow?”
And who, if the answer is nothing, simply turns away — and gets back to work.
The Philippines will not be saved by the right color.
It will be saved, if it is saved at all, by Filipinos who finally decided that their lives were worth more than someone else’s political survival.
That their children were worth more.
That their future was worth more.
The operator only wins as long as you keep pulling his string.
So pick up your tools, kapatid.
Put down the flag.
Walk away from the peryahan.



